Several years ago, I met a Korean “juicy girl” at an art therapy center near Yongsan Garrison, the former headquarters of the U.S. military in South Korea. She had been prostituted to American soldiers for so long, over 30 years, that she was convinced she had been American in another life. It was difficult to get my bearings in her paintings because her red, white and blue skin blended into the flag.

This woman’s only hope for the future was to follow the Army’s relocation to a mega-base in the south. I thought of the Cheyenne proverb, “A nation is not defeated until the hearts of its women are on the ground. Then it is done, no matter how brave its warriors or strong its weapons.”

Much attention has been given to the U.S. military’s economic, environmental and cultural impacts in Hawaii. This year, for the first time, the state is launching a campaign to bring attention to the impact of our high military presence on women’s safety. Most bases at home and abroad are surrounded by thriving sex industries, which rely on sex trafficking. In Hawaii, the military and prostitution also have a mutual history.

Organized prostitution is a relatively new phenomenon in Hawaii, and one that the military had a direct hand in developing. From the early to mid-1900s, the sex trade was jointly managed by U.S. federal, territorial and city authorities including the Honolulu Police Department. Legalization allowed prostitution to flourish and created a pull factor for traffickers. Some newspapers recorded up to 300 pimps and rampant “wife selling.”

Each month, 250,000 soldiers frequented the Hotel Street brothel district. Prostitutes serviced about 100 men a day. One-third of the prostitutes were addicted to morphine. It was an extremely impersonal and efficient system. Brothels were regulated to contain disease. Sex was a three-minute affair for $3. When women attempted to raise their prices, the Military Police quickly ordered the price back down. This was legalized prostitution in Hawaii.

The formal rest-and-recreation era ended — and in 2006 the Department of Defense implemented a policy against paying for sex. But national researchers report that Hawaii’s military bases are still “full of buyers.” This creates a ready market, and trafficking remains a crucial part of meeting the demand. Local stakeholders have also reported increased demand for prostitution during large gatherings such as APEC, Pro Bowl and RIMPAC.

This backdrop is the impetus behind timing the state’s anti-sex trafficking campaign with RIMPAC, the world’s largest international military exercise. There are currently 25,000 soldiers from over two dozen countries in Hawaii for the games — an estimated 85 percent of whom are men. The Hawaii Chamber of Commerce projects that these men will spend $50 million during R&R. The scene harkens back to pay day on the plantations when carts of prostitutes were brought in and workers had sex with them in stables.

There is no empirical evidence that sex trafficking does or does not increase during RIMPAC. Sex-trafficking data collection is in its infancy. This is largely due to the fact that sex trafficking did not even exist in Hawaii law until 2016, after the start of the last RIMPAC. The absence of statistical evidence does not mean the absence of a problem. National data shows that criminal organizations seek economic opportunities, and that sex traffickers and victims travel to where there is money. There are also accounts by survivors of being brought from suburban areas to Waikiki hotels for RIMPAC and major events.

Ultimately, the #SheIsAllWomen is not about a quick fix or even RIMPAC. The Commission on the Status of Women is interested in finding a way out of this painful history by exposing the trauma of sex coerced by force and circumstance in Hawaii. The status of women cannot be improved until oppressive systems are faced.

Khara Jabola-Carolus is executive director of the Hawaii State Commission on the Status of Women.